Obesity Amongst Mexican Children Essay Example for Free

Obesity Amongst Mexican Children Essay Abstract: The prevalence of overweight children in the United States of Mexican descent is higher for second generation than their first generation counterparts. First generation immigrants tend to keep a healthier lifestyle by consuming more fresh fruits and vegetables, walking longer distances and smoking less than the more acculturated Mexican-Americans. Acculturation is a major contributing factor for the alarming rates of obesity within Mexican children. When children of Mexican immigrants are exposed to American society, they develop unhealthy habits such as eating pizza and hot dogs during school lunch hours, access to vending machines, and media exposure where they are constantly bombarded with food related commercials of unhealthy nature. A lower socio-economic status, such as the recently immigrated parents, is also a contributing factor for obesity within Mexican children. High calorie and high fat content foods tend to be less expensive than fresh fruits and fresh vegetables, leading to poorer, unhealthier choices. Fast food chains are prohibitory expensive in Mexico, whereas in the US they are not. As young Mexican children develop their sense of identity while they separate from their parents or caregivers and seek acceptance from their American peers, they integrate themselves into the fast food culture leading to obesity amongst Mexican-American children of second generation in the US. The incidence of obesity in Mexican adults has increased markedly over the years. Data from the 1993 National Survey of Chronic Diseases (Encuesta Nacional de Enfermedades Cronicas) showed an obesity prevalence of 21. 5%. The 2000 National Health Survey (Encuesta Nacional de Salud) indicated that 24% of adults suffered obesity. Data from the 2006 National Health and Nutrition Survey (ENSANUT 2006) revealed that 30% of adults of both sexes were obese. (Rojas,R, Aguilar-Salinas, C. , Jimenez, A. , Gomez, F. , Barquera, S. , 2012, p. 8) In the last two decades, the prevalence of childhood obesity, defined as at or above the 95th percentile of body mass index (BMI) for age and gender (Center for Disease Control, 2009), has more than doubled among children aged 6–11 years and tripled among adolescents aged 12–19 years, and here is no evidence that this trend is coming to an end (Ogden, 2002). This is a serious public health concern because obese children and adolescents are at an increased risk for various physical, mental, and emotional health problems, including impaired glucose tolerance , insulin resistance, atherosclerosis , coronary heart disease in adulthood , development of eating disorders, and low self-esteem (Seo, D. Sa, J. , 2009). The obesity epidemic disproportionately affects racial/ethnic minority children, who are defined as American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian American, Black, African American, Hispanic, Latino, Native Hawaiian, or OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 3 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? other Pacific Islander (CDC, 2009). According to estimates based on the 2001–2002 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), among children aged 6–19 years, 22. 2% of Mexican American children and 20. 5% of non-Hispanic Blacks were obese as compared with only 13. 6% of non-Hispanic whites. Other studies performed by Ogden and colleagues (2002) also affirm a larger prevalence of obesity among Mexican American and Black children compared with white children. These rates of obesity are far from the 2010 national health objective of Healthy People 2010. The higher incidence of obesity among minority children is alarming because these racial/ethnic groups have a lower insulin sensitivity than white children (Seo, D, Sa, J. 2009). Obesity is an epidemic facing millions of people across the globe, resulting in more than 300,000 deaths in the United States alone (Dishman, 2004). Historically, the majority of people affected by obesity were adults. However, in the last decade this epidemic has spread to our youth. Excess weight in U. S. children has increased in prevalence and has become a serious public health concern. Currently, about 33% of children ages 2–5 in the U. S. are overweight (BMI in the 85th percentile or above), and 12% are considered obese (BMI in the 95th percentile or above) (CDC, 2009). Overweight children have a 70–80% chance of becoming overweight or obese adults, which may lead to an increase in obesity related disease among adults (United States Department of Human Health and Services, 2007). Obesity is one of the leading risk factors for disease and fatal health conditions, such as hypertension, type II diabetes, coronary heart disease, stroke, gallbladder disease, osteoarthritis, sleep apnea and respiratory problems, and some cancers (CDC, 2009). Not only is obesity linked to clinical conditions, but it may also lead to mental health problems such as self-blame and low self-esteem ( Haboush, A., Phebus, T. , Tanata Ashby, D. , Zaikina-Montgomery, H. , Kindig, K. , 2011). This paper will focus on the contributing factors for the alarming obesity rates amongst Mexican children. Are second generation Mexican children more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts? Mexican immigrant parents usually don’t view obesity as a threatening health issue. In fact, some research reports that Mexican mothers see childhood obesity as a sign of good heath (Rosas et al. ) and thinness as a sigh of illness (Sosa, 2012). Acculturation, or the process of adjusting to a new culture, describes social, psychological, and behavioral changes that an individual undergoes as result of immigration (Buttenheim, A. , Pebley, A. , Hsih, K. , Chung, C. , Goldman, N. , 2012). The drastic changes in lifestyle and social interactions that immigrants encounter upon arriving to the United States often put them at risk for negative health consequences (Ogden et al. , 2009). Of the negative health outcomes associated with OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 4 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?acculturation in Mexican children, obesity is significant because it has implications for development of chronic diseases such as heart disease and Type II Diabetes (CDC, 2009). Mexican children are at increased risk for obesity upon immigration to the United States and are predisposed to development of chronic diseases,(Buscemi, J. , Beech, B. , Relyea, G. , 2011). Mexican American mothers’ views on obesity, 40% of mothers with overweight children did not identify overweight as a health issue (Ariza et al. , 2004). When weight was used as an indicator of health, parents were more concerned with the health of skinny children than overweight children. Mexican American mothers were concerned with having thin children because a thin child could become sick and die (Small, L. , Melnyk, B. , Anderson-Gifford, D. , Hampl, J. 2009). A second and less studied mechanism linking nativity of US immigrants to obesity risk is the interconnectedness of the food environment and migration dynamics in the sending country (Buttenheim et al. , 2012). This is particularly relevant in the case of obesity risk for Mexican-origin children in the US, given the large, circular migration flows between the two countries and the well-documented nutrition transition underway in Mexico (Popkin Udry, 1998). This transition is characterized by a shift from unprocessed and low energy density diets to highly processed, energy dense foods. The transition is due in part to new food marketing strategies and a simultaneous decrease in physical activity that has accompanied urbanization and economic development in Mexico (Popkin Udry, 1998). Mexico’s nutrition transition has been notably rapid: Mexico now has the second highest rates of adult obesity among OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries (after the US) (Rosas, 2011). A potential explanation for the increased obesity rates within the Mexican immigrants in the US is acculturative stress (Van Hook et al. , 2011). Mexican-origin immigrants, are often faced with discrimination based on race/ethnicity and immigrant status. This discrimination, in turn, leads to chronic stress and psycho-physiological stress responses, which are known to affect health over the long run . Thus, the process of integration into a society that views Mexican-origin immigrants as being of lower status than other social and racial/ethnic groups may itself result in chronic health problems, even if health behaviors remain constant over time and across immigrant generation. Why would duration of time in the US and immigrant generation affect obesity? The acculturation literature has emphasized the importance of dietary changes by duration in the US and across generation: increased acculturation is hypothesized to lead to decreased consumption of healthy foods and increased consumption of processed high OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 5 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? fat/sugar foods. Gordon-Larsen et al. (2003) reported that first generation Mexican immigrant adolescents eat more rice, beans, fruit, and vegetables and less cheese and fast food than second generation Mexican-origin immigrants. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) say that acculturation seems to be a contributing factor for obesity amongst Mexican children. Acculturation can be defined as the process by which immigrants adopt the attitudes, values, customs, beliefs, and behaviors of a new culture. Two studies reported their findings on acculturation and potential implications on the nutritional status of Mexican American children. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) concluded that less acculturated mothers were more likely to provide alternate food choices when a child would not eat and use child-feeding strategies that may contribute to childhood overweight, such as bribes, threats, and punishment. Ariza, Chen, Binns, and Christoffel (2004) conducted a study to test their hypothesis that overweight was more prevalent in highly acculturated Mexican American children aged 5 to 6 years; however, the results did not substantiate an association between overweight and acculturation in this population. Duerksen and colleagues (2007) reported that increased levels of acculturation may lead to higher rates of overweight among Mexican American families if they were eating more meals at fast-food and buffet-style restaurants rather than selecting traditional, authentic Mexican restaurants. Studies indicated that less acculturated Mexican Americans consumed less fat, and more fiber, protein, vitamins A, C, E and B6, folate, calcium, potassium, and magnesium than their more acculturated counterparts (Rosas et al. 2011). Most research conducted across age groups and outcomes indicates that newly-arrived and less acculturated immigrants are healthier and live longer than natives. Unfortunately, this health advantage dissipates with duration of U. S. residence and does not extend to the next generation. In addition to the influence of parents’ acculturation on children’s behaviors, children can accelerate the acculturation process for their families as well because children are more likely to have a consistent exposure to typical American foods at school and likely to affect purchasing decisions of their parents. One of the biggest changes in children’s diets after moving to the United States has been suggested to be with the foods children consume at school. It has been reported that although Mexican American children liked the traditional ethnic foods they received at home, they preferred the American foods they were served at school (e.g. , pizza, hamburgers) (Rosas et al. 2011). Furthermore, there seemed to be a lack of awareness among children about the healthfulness of traditional Mexican foods (such as fruits, vegetables, and beans) or potential health risks of the typical American diet, which was perceived as pizza, hotdogs, hamburgers, and French fries. As children develop their own self and ethnic identities, they may seek separation from their parents and acceptance from their peers, and they may identify fast food and other less healthful food options with the United States culture. This can eventually lead to less healthful dietary patterns both for children and their families because children are likely to affect food-purchasing OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 6 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? decisions in their households (Rosas et al. 2011). When looking into the influence of acculturation on food intake behaviors among children and youths, another important element of the social environment must be addressed: media exposure. Media exposure can have detrimental influences at both ends of the spectrum in terms of eating behaviors: children may adopt an unrealistically thin body image through exposure to popular culture, and unhealthy dieting practices or eating disorders may follow. Alternatively, they may increase their consumption of nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods that they are exposed to through advertisements, and this type of behavior may eventually lead to overweight status. There have been some initiatives to limit food marketing aiming at children, but nutritionally poor and energy dense foods (e.g. , high sugar cereals, candy, soft drinks, chips) still constitute the majority of the foods advertised on television (Kunkel et al. 2009). Several reports indicate that children choose advertised foods at significantly higher rates and attempt to influence their parents to purchase these foods. Unfortunately, advertisement of the nutritionally inferior food choices is not limited to television only; it is widespread through a variety of channels such as schools (vending machines, corporate sponsorship of school events and materials, etc. ), and online applications(e.g. , interactive games, sweepstakes, computer screensavers). Media exposure among children has been increasing over the past 10 years, and according to the 2009 estimates (Kunkel et al. 2009). American children spend about 7. 4 hours per day using or watching media such as television, computers, video games or movies. These estimates seem to be even higher among minorities) and individuals with lower socio economical status( SES) (Sussner et al. 2009). Hispanic youths were reported to spend about 5. 5 hours per day watching television while this estimate was 3. 5 hours per day for non-Hispanic whites in 2009. Moreover, screen time seems to increase with greater acculturation (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). The data from the 2003–04 National Survey of Children’s Health indicated that, in comparison to U. S. -born non-Hispanic white children with U. S. -born parents, foreign-born Hispanic children with immigrant parents were 31 percent more likely and U. S. -born Hispanic children with U. S. -born parents were 51 percent more likely to watch television. Although foreign-born Hispanics seem to be less likely to consume less healthful foods (Osypuk et al.2009), a reverse trend can be seen if these foods are more expensive in the country of origin but cheaper in the United States. For example, qualitative studies indicated that lower cost and increased availability were among the reasons for Mexican Americans to consume snacks, sweets, and fast food more in the United States . An earlier report pointed out that some foods, such as mayonnaise, margarine, and salad dressing were considered high-status items by many low-income families in Latin America (Romero-Gwynn et al. 1993). Similarly, Mexican adults living in Florida reported that in addition to fast food not being as readily available in their native country, it was more expensive than in the United States and therefore, they tended to eat fast food only for special occasions in their native OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 7 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? country. Once these types of foods become more readily available and affordable for the immigrants in the United States, an increase in the consumption levels would be expected. Lower costs, widespread availability, and the convenience of fast food in the United States appear to be an enticing solution especially for time-strapped immigrant families with children (Lindsay et al. 2009). Qualitative studies among immigrants suggest a more relaxed lifestyle in Mexico versus a very busy lifestyle in the United States that leaves less time to cook or prepare foods. This type of lifestyle makes convenience foods very appealing, and it is likely to result in an increase in fast food consumption (Gray et al. 2005). In addition to the economic conditions related to the food environment, limited socioeconomic abilities of individuals also put immigrants at greater risk for unhealthy food intake patterns and entailing health issues. Higher rates of food insecurity and low SES among minorities and immigrants are likely to force individuals to purchase relatively cheaper and filling, but often nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods (Drewnowski and Darmon 2005). A binational study that was conducted in the United States and Mexico provided support for these eating patterns, and it also pointed out the country- or culture-specific variations in these associations. In the United States sample of this study, children with food insecurity were more likely to consume fat, saturated fat, sweets, and fried snacks compared to their food secure counterparts. In Mexico, however, food insecure (versus food secure) children displayed a different food intake pattern that was characterized by higher intakes of carbohydrates, dairy, and vitamin B6 (Rosas et al. 2009). One of the least studied aspects of the relationship between socioeconomic factors and food intake is the residential context and demographic makeup of the neighborhoods. One of the few studies that examined this context in a mostly Hispanic (but mixed ethnic) sample suggested that greater density of immigrants in residential areas was positively related to fruit and vegetable intake after controlling for individual factors such as age, race/ethnicity, language, country of birth, and education (Dubowitz et al. 2008). Another study also reported that high-fat/processed food intake (fats, oils, processed meats, fried potatoes, salty snacks, desserts) was lower in immigrant-dense neighborhoods even after controlling for SES, demographic factors, and acculturation (Rosas et al.2011). These results indicate beneficial dietary intake patterns for all residents (immigrant or not) residing in that area. Some of the potential factors underlying these results could be resulting from socioeconomic advantages through greater social capital, availability of stores with healthier ethnic food options, and higher consumption of healthier food intake habits, social norms, and values in the ethnically dense neighborhoods (Dubowitz et al. 2008). OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 8 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? Highly acculturated Hispanic adults were more likely to have higher BMIs than their less acculturated counterparts. Similarly, second or third generation Hispanic youths were reported to be more likely overweight than their first generation counterparts (Popkin and Udry 1998). For adults, the difference in the overweight status by acculturation seems to be seen usually in a range of 10 to 21 years of residence in the United States, but interestingly, BMI differences were detectable by age two among less acculturated mothers’ children in a mostly Hispanic sample (Sussner et al. 2009). Some of the mechanisms underlying these findings could be the existence of cultural beliefs that associate overweight status among children with perception of good health (Sussner et al. 2009), failing to recognize overweight status, or acceptance of a larger body size as a desirable body image among Hispanics. Taken together, these cultural preferences can lead to obesity over time with the additional contribution of the typical environment in the United States that stimulates consumption of energy-dense foods and discourages physical activities. Certain food intake patterns (e. g., energy-dense foods) can lead to overweight or obese status as people acculturate. Although a factor analysis of nationally representative data from the NHANES 2001–02 did not indicate a specific dietary intake pattern in relationship to BMI or waist circumference (as measures of overall or central adiposity) among Mexican Americans (Carrera et al. 2007), it is possible that dietary intake might be related to obesity indirectly, or collectively with other lifestyle factors (e. g. , physical activity). It is also possible that the effects might be most pronounced at specific time periods during acculturation. Supporting this potential mechanism is the results from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health indicating that increased probability of overweight, which was related to changes in lifestyle factors (i. e. , screen time, diet), was detectable among first generation Mexican adolescents but not among second (or more) generation participants (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). Although social economic status (SES) is also linked to obesity, this association seems to vary depending on the SES measures used and also by race or ethnicity. For example, in a nationally representative sample of children, both education and income were negatively related to BMI among non-Hispanic whites, but only income was positively related to BMI among Hispanics (Balistreri and Van Hook 2009). As suggested by the authors, increasing education level may be a reflection of changes in knowledge, learning abilities, social class, and personal skills while higher income among immigrants might be an indicator of greater purchasing capacity, which can result in less healthful eating patterns in the absence of adequate nutrition knowledge, skills, and a healthful food environment. SES also seems to have gender-specific and long-term consequences. Data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey among adolescents indicated that there was a strong positive association between long-term (persistent) low SES and obesity among females. Among males, however, obesity rates were highest among those who had a socioeconomically disadvantaged beginning but gained autonomy, for example, home ownership later on. Most importantly, the report pointed out that the effect of SES on OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 9 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?obesity was probably initiated before adolescence (Scharoun-Lee et al. 2009). Conclusion: The research has shown that second generation Mexican children are in fact more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts. Causative factors such as media exposure, school lunch programs, socio-economic factors, and the influence of parents’ own acculturation into American society are all factors that can be addressed through various means with legislative, policy changes, and education. Then we can begin to affect positively the rising trend of obesity in second generation Mexican children in the United States. OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 10 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? References: Abraido-Lanza, A. , White, K. , Vasques, E. (2004)Immigrant populations and health. In: Anderson N, editor. Encyclopedia of health and behavior. Newbury Park, CA: Sage; 2004. p. 533–537. Ariza, A. J. , Chen, E. H. , Binns, H. J. , Christoffel, K. K. (2004). Risk factors for overweight in 5 to 6-year old Hispanic American children: A pilot study. Journal of Urban Heath, 81 (1), 150-161. Balistreri, K. , Van Hook, J. (2007). 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About BMI for Children and Teens: What is a BMI percentile? Available at: http://www. cdc. gov/healthyweight/assessing/bmi/childrens_bmi/about_childrens_bmi. html. Accessed May 19, 2009. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2009). Defining overweight and obesity. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. http://www. cdc. gov/nccdphp/dnpa/obesity/ childhood/defining. htm. Accessed April 1, 2009. Dishman, R. K. , Washburn, R. A. , Heath, G. (2004). Physical activity epidemiology (p. 30). United States: Human Kinetics Publishers. OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 11 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? Duerksen, S. , Elder, J. , Arredondo, E. , Ayala, G. , Slymen, D. , Campbell, N. , B. , Baquero(n. d). Research: Family Restaurant Choices Are Associated with Child and Adult Overweight Status in Mexican-American Families. 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B. , Cossman, J. S. , Dodson, W. L. , Byrd, S. H. (2005). Dietary acculturation of Hispanic immigrants in Mississippi. Salud Publica De Mexico, 47(5), 351-360. Haboush, A. , Phebus, T. , Tanata Ashby, D. , Zaikina-Montgomery, H., Kindig, K. (2011). Still unhealthy 2009: building community research to identify risk factors and health outcomes in childhood obesity. Journal Of Community Health, 36(1), 111-120. doi:10. 1007/s10900-010-9288-8. Healthy People 2010: Understanding and Improving Health (2nd edition), US Department of Health and Human Services, Washington, DC (2000) Available at http://www. healthypeople. gov/document/html/objectives/19-03. htm Accessed May 19, 2009 Kaiser, L. , Melgar-Quinonez, R. , Lamp, C. , Johns, M. , Harwood, J. (2001)Acculturation of Mexican-American Mothers Influences Child Feeding Strategies. Journal of the American Dietetic Association. 2001;101(5):542–47. OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 12 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? Kunkel, D. , McKinley, C. , and Wright, P. (2009) The Impact of Industry Self-Regulation on the Nutritional Quality of Foods Advertised on Television to Children. Ogden C, Flegal K, Carroll M, and Johnson C. 2002. Prevalence and trends in overweight among US children and adolescents, 1999-2000. Journal of American Medical Association 288 (14):1728. Osypuk, Theresa L. , Ana V. Diez Roux, Craig Hadley, and Namratha R.Kandula. 2009. Are immigrant enclaves healthy places to live? The Multi-ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis. Social Science Medicine 69:110-120. Popkin, B. M. , Udry, J. (1998). Adolescent obesity increases significantly in second and third generation U. S. immigrants: The Journal Of Nutrition, 128(4), 701. Rojas-Martinez, R. , Aguilar-Salinas, C. , Jimenez-Corona, A. , Gomez-Perez, F. , Barquera, S. , Lazcano-Ponce, E. (2012). Prevalence of obesity and metabolic syndrome components in Mexican adults without type 2 diabetes or hypertension. Salud Publica De Mexico, 54(1), 7-12. Romero-Gwynn, E. , D. Gwynn, L.Grivetti, McDonald, G. Stanford, B. Turner, E. West, and E. Williamson (1993). Dietary acculturation among Latinos of Mexican descent. Nutrition Today July/August: 6-12. Rosas, L. , Guendelman, S. , Harley, K. , Fernald, L. , Neufeld, L. , Mejia, F. , Eskenazi, B. (2011). Factors associated with overweight and obesity among children of Mexican descent: results of a binational study. Journal Of Immigrant Minority Health, 13(1), 169-180. Small, L. , Melnyk, B. , Anderson-Gifford, D. , Hampl, J. 2009). Exploring the meaning of excess child weight and health: shared viewpoints of Mexican parents of preschool children. Pediatric Nursing, 35(6), 357-366. 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The Euro and the European Union :: Politics Economics

The Euro and the European Union Many people would agree that Europe is a continent in which regions identify with each other even if they are not part of the same country. For that reason, as well as others, in 1957 the Treaty of Rome "declared a common European market as a European objective with the aim of increasing economic prosperity and contributing to 'an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe'" (www.euro.ecb.int). Later, in 1986 and then in 1992, the Single European Act and the Treaty of European Union tried to build on the previous treaty to create a system in Europe in which one currency could eventually be used all over the land under the heading of the Economic and Monetary Union. (www.euro.ecb.int) However, the question remains, why would the leaders of various European nations want to create one currency when the rights of national sovereignty have always been an issue for countries all over the world. Why, in 1998 did they create the European Central Bank, and why in "The third stage of EMU... on 1 January 1999, when the exchange rates of the participating currencies were irrevocably set" (www.euro.ecb.int) did eleven, and later twelve, countries link themselves economically in a way that has never been done before? The answer lies in history. "The need to link separate distinct political communities in order to achieve common objectives is an ancient one" (Woodard). One such example is the Greek independent city states that were linked by a league that dealt with economic issues. The same type of league linking towns in Italy can be found in medieval times. (Woodard) Later, "The United States made the key breakthrough. The states originally formed a loose relationship with weak central government (the Confederation). They replaced this system with a new constitution in 1789 creating the modern United States and defining federalism in its current sense" (Woodard). In doing so, it began a global discussion of the use of federalism to hold regions, and in particular colonies, together. In September of 1946, Winston Churchill made a speech at Zurich University in which he called for a "'United States of Europe'" (www.euro.ecb.int); clearly, this was not a new idea. Churchill thought that by uniting Europe, they would be able to put an end to Europe's decline economically in markets that the United States was quickly taking over.

Dual nature of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde and the duality between good and evil Essay

The struggle between Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde reflects upon the duality of man, in between good and evil. Robert Louis Stevenson wrote the novel in the 1800 where T.V and other forms of entertainment didn’t exit, therefore the Victorian audience, found it entertaining to read. The novel explores the attitudes of the Victorians people with regard to their obsession with keeping a respectable society However, despite this public decency, Stevenson appears to be suggesting that underneath the surface, people’s behaviour was not quite as respectable as it should be. Stevenson believed that there is light and dark in all of mankind- man is not truly one, but truly two. Most of the characters are seem as having professions considered to be important and influenced, such as lawyers, doctors and politicians, all representing respectability. Mr Jekyll liked to indulge in pleasures but his status prevented him to do so, he creates an alter ego for himself to live out his passions. Dr Jekyll dependence on Mr Hyde became an addiction, although Jekyll says that he ‘can be rid of Mr Hyde at any point’ his lack of control helps Mr Hyde to over power him and take over. Robert Louis Stevenson was born and bread in Edinburgh. He was a very sick boy thought his childhood which had confined him to a bed. His nurse used to read to him the Pilgrims Progress and the Old Testament, telling him stories about evil, causing him to suffer nightmares. Stevenson grew up in Edinburgh which itself had two faces on one hand the modest, religious and respectable ‘New Town’ and on the other hand a bohemian Edinburgh- the dark one. This Edinburgh was symbolized with brothels and shadiness. The contrast of the two was a bit like the nature of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde. The story of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde is largely allegorical. In the first chapter we see the theme of duality when the two characters Utterrson and Enfield are a taking a walk and they see a door which described as ‘bore in every feature the marks of prolonged and sordid negligence’. The door stood out from the rest of the street because all the other buildings were well kept. Mr Enfield has a flash back, he remembers the time Mr Hyde tramples over the girl and describes him as a ‘juggernaut’. The first victim of Hyde was the little girl. I think the reason why Stevenson chose a little to be the first victim of Hyde is because a child represents innocence and he is trying to say that Hyde is pure evil with a cold heart. The description of the street reinforces the theme of duality because it is a dingy neighbourhood and there are shops like ‘rows of smiling women’ this raises a question why is Dr Jekyll living in a tawdry neighbourhood. Jekyll appearance is a lot different from Hyde he is smoothed face where as Hyde looks as if though he is deformed and short. I think the reason why Hyde is short is because the evil side of Dr Jekyll hasn’t developed properly. Hyde becomes Jekyll’s demonic, monstrous self. Stevenson presents him as such from the outset. Hissing as he speaks, Hyde has a kind of black sneering coolness†¦.’like satin’. He also strikes those who witness him as being deformed, ‘pale and dwarfish’ As the story progresses, Hyde becomes more and more violent, culminating with the death of Sir O.Carew. The maid describes the murder as horrific but before the murder there is a pleasant description of the setting ‘the soft, clear night, the romantic nature of the maid, the full moon, and the sweet loveliness of the old man’. This is another example of the use of duality and the theme of good and evil because Stevenson describes the setting with a romantic aroma ‘full moon’ but then everything changes from good to evil. The horrific description of the murder includes a ‘storm of blows’ and bones being ‘audibly shattered’ once again Hyde is described as ‘disgusting looking’. The description implies Stevenson views of the world of certain, inherent evilness in people, something that can be detected by merely glancing at a person. Stevenson explores the theme of double through symbols and characters. Most of the novel is set at night, and the fog becomes almost a character hiding people in the city. Where ever wine is present there is positive happening but it can also symbolize evil because too much wine can transform a person making him drunk. This happens to be like Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, when he drinks the potion. Stevenson tries to create an atmosphere which is based on (emphasise) tension between order and disorder-duality. He finds the truth. However, even Utterson seems to have a double life, and in his quest he examines his own conscience â€Å"and the lawyer, scared by the thought, brooded a while in his own past, groping in all the corners of memory, lest by chance some Jack-in-the-Box of an old iniquity should leap to light there† Dr Lanyon dies because he was exposed to the pure evilness of Jekyll’s experiment that went wrong. The evil, Jekyll created, killed Dr Lanyon, indirectly. When forced to confront his divided self, Lanyon could not bear to think that he may have his own Mr Hyde in him. So he kills himself.

The Oligopoly And The Perfect Competition Markets Essay

Introduction: There are many different types of economic markets nowadays. For example; the oligopoly and the perfect competition markets. Each market has its own factors and characteristics. In this research paper however; we will discuss and cover the monopoly market from the economic perspective. According to Parkin; â€Å"a monopoly market is a market which is characterized by producing a good or a service for which no close substitute exists and in which there is one supplier that is protected from competition by a barrier preventing the entry of new firms†. In addition; there are two types of strategies in which monopoly firms set for their selling for maintaining such monopoly state, these types are single-price monopoly strategy and price discrimination strategy. All of these strategies with the addition of factors of monopoly; are what shapes the monopoly market as it is. One well-known example of a monopoly firm is the Microsoft Corporation. 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